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Sudan Crisis: Gap of Leadership, Lack of Vision (2)

Dr/ Mahjoub Salim

“I sincerely pray that these rumors are groundless because if they prove true, then the de facto military government has totally destroyed its neutrality and compromised its integrity.” This is what I said in my previous article. The rumours are about the recent composition or structure of the Supreme Command of the Sudanese Army. Now, it has been proven true that the Sudanese Army Commander has single-handedly formed the new Supreme Command of the Sudanese Army. We have kept loudly raising our voices until we were pushed to our breaking point, that the de facto military regime is a carbon copy of the previous notorious military regimes. We have kept saying that it is the same old wine in the same old bottle, yet nobody wants to listen, giving us just deaf ears and blind eyes.

We have said several times that the Sudanese Military Establishment is not a professional army with a clear military creed, dogma, and mission but rather an ideological system in military uniforms. Since the political independence of Sudan in 1956, the Sudanese Armed Forces have been used by the Sudanese political parties, without exception, as a Trojan horse to reach the Republic Palace They usually reach the Republic Palace with civilian slogans but a military mentality and orientation. This Trojan horse must be revisited; it must be told that the mission it is carrying out is not its own.

The ongoing reformation and reshuffling by the Army Commander are just the tip of the iceberg; the real, ugly face will be demonstrated very soon. The tragedy of Sudan is that her people are very naïve, simple, and polite, very polite. They have not yet been organized in a way that can help them to keenly monitor and protect their interests. They believe and blindly support whoever comes to the Republic Palace, irrespective of their mission, vision, goals, and values. Naivety is a bad habit; simplicity is a bad behaviour as well. Sudanese people must remain vigilant, observant, and perhaps even assertive. Sudanese political leaders, if they are not well monitored, will doubtlessly lead the Sudanese people nowhere.

Another tragedy of Sudan is its civil society organizations. They number in the thousands, yet they have no significant impacts on the Sudanese people. Many of them are politically motivated or facades for some political parties. Many of these civil society organizations lack a clear vision, mission, and strategic goals. Sudanese civil society organizations have been infected by the corruption of political parties. many of them lack the necessary skills and knowledge to make a difference. Lack of good governance is another curse haunting many civil society organizations. Many of them have lost their lustre. In a nutshell, Sudanese civil society organizations are in desperate need of capacity building programs and interventions in order to empower themselves for a better performance.

The worst sector in the equation is the private sector. It is where all corrupt elements meet. There are no tangible or significant contributions made by the Sudanese private sector. In Sudan, many senior government officials, civil society personnel, and senior military officers have, in one way or another, fishy connections with the private sector. Such fishy connections with the private sector are the root causes of the Sudan tragedy. There are no clear or transparent records or statistics with regard to the international and United Nations organization funds that have entered Sudan and were allocated for development and humanitarian interventions and initiatives since Sudan gained its political independence. These funds are in billions of dollars. Had these funds been equitably and transparently distributed in the country, Sudan would have liberated itself from the shackles and chains of poverty a long time ago and would have been among the developed countries of the world The private sector in other countries takes the lead of development and progress, Sudan is always an exception, distinct and unique of its kind.

The de facto military government will keep buying time until the cows come home. It will keep manipulating and manoeuvring for another thirty years. The Sudanese military establishment has tasted the sweetness of power in the Republic Palace, enjoying a monopoly on wealth and prestige. It is highly unlikely they will voluntarily step down. To them, leadership is simply a means to position, wealth, and greatness.

When there is no permanent constitution, national project, national strategic plan, or clear national vision, military establishments come to the political scene and start messing the scene. Sixty plus years in politics have made the Sudan Armed Forces ambivalent about their noble mission. They have totally forgotten their military duties and responsibilities. if they went back to their barracks, they wouldn’t remember their creed, dogma, ethics, and mission. Returning them to a military track after 60 plus years in politics will be very costly and will impoverish the government’s treasury; hence, I am of the opinion that we should disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate them, and instead establish a new Sudanese army with a new creed, dogma, and mission. It is of paramount importance to, as quickly as possible, embark on the creation of a permanent national democratic constitution that excludes no one. Representatives of the Sudanese nations, together with strategic professionals and technical experts, must sit down to craft a national participatory project that addresses the entire range of challenges facing the Sudanese nations.

I conclude by urging the Army Commander to revisit and review his latest decision concerning the formation of the Supreme Command of the Sudanese Army. This is a dangerous move that will have serious repercussions. Forming the Supreme Command from only two tribes is ethically unacceptable unless the goal is to follow in the footsteps of the Sudanization Process of 1954-1956. Hurry up before things start falling off on the man.

No for War, Yes to Berlin Conference.

Mahjoub S. G.
Kampala, Uganda

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